The Impact of the Current International Crises on The Arab World  from A Human Security Perspective[1]

تأثير الأزمات الدولية الراهنة على العالم العربي من منظور الأمن البشري

Nour Abzakh , Marmara university- Istanbul – Turkey

ط/د. نور بزاخ،  جامعة مرمرة إسطنبول، تركيا.

ورقة منشورة في  كتاب أعمال الملتقى تداعيات الأزمات الدولية الراهنة على الوطن العربي  الصفحة 151.   

الملخص:

سلطت هذه الورقة الضوء على بعض الأثار الطويلة وقصيرة المدى على بعض الدول العربية من منظور الأمن الانساني نتيجة الأزمات العالمية الحالية مثل الحرب الروسية الأوكرانية و فيروس كوفيد19.

حيث نجد أن المواطنين في بعض الدول العربية تأثروا بشكل كبير وملحوظ من الناحية الاقتصادية والاجتماعية وخصوصأ المرأة مقارنة بالسنوات الماضية، كما أن دور المرأة في مختلف المجالات في الدول العربية غير كاف مقارنة مع دورها في الدول الأوروبية، مع العلم بأن هذه الأخيرة و العالم بأسره قد تأثر هو الآخر بالتداعيات الصحية والتدابير المتخذة إثر الحرب الروسية الأوكرانية.

من نتائج الدراسة تم تحليل البيانات الأولية و الثانوية من عام 2009 لغاية بداية  2022 ، كما تم استنتاج أن قطر كأكثر الدول العربية أمانا فيما يتعلق بالأمن الإنساني وجائت مصر في المرتبة الأخيرة.

كلمات مفتاحية: الأزمات الدولية ، الأمن الإنساني ، العالم العربي ، الفئات الضعيفة ، الاقتصاد ، السياسة.

Abstract

The paper will shed some light on the short and long-term impacts of COVID-19 and the Russian War on the socio-economic perspective of Arab countries. The study will explore that citizens in Arab nations have fewer possibilities because human security is sorely lacking. Women all around the globe are being sabotaged by mighty men. Their rights should be protected by iron hands. Unfair political, social, or economic institutions; rivalry for resources and control among divided social groupings; or, in certain circumstances, the effects of external war action pose severe threats to human security in Arab countries. The study applied systematic literature review approach to observe the different literature with a proper inclusion and exclusion criteria. The analysis of primary and secondary data was done in range of 2009 to 2022. From the results of the study, it was clear that current worldwide issues, such as COVID-19 and the Russian war, impact human safety and the economy in the Arab world. According to the results, Arab countries are the safest countries in the world with respect human security protection. A significant impact was observed because of Covid-19 on the Arab countries. Qatar was declared as safest Arab country with respect human security and Egypt came at last. The global spread of the COVID-19 epidemic has threatened the established systems and customs of nearly every nation. Even advanced countries have felt the consequences of the fallout, which has been felt widely and profoundly throughout the Arab world.

          Keywords: Human Security, COVID-19, Russian War

Introduction

Nothing has tarnished the socio-economic face of Arab countries more than Covid-19 and Russia-Ukraine War. A lack of human security is a significant constraint to progress in many Arab nations. Regardless of the cause or threat, considering the standpoint of human security, the idea or practices of safety must be centered on the daily needs of individuals or societies[2]. According to the research, human security is a requirement for human evolution, or the frequent lack of it in Arab nations limits people’s opportunities. Human security encompasses not just issues of survival but also necessities like having access to clean water or worries about one’s standard of living. Human security in Arab nations is frequently jeopardized by unfair administrative, social, or economic institutions, rivalry for assets or control among dispersed social groupings, or, in certain circumstances, the effects of foreign military involvement[3].

Regardless of the origin and kind of risks, from the perspective of human security, the idea or practices of security must be centered around the daily requirements of individuals and their communities. Because of its broad concept and breadth, the intellectual endeavor of human security has somewhat slowed down. Geopolitical security ideas, driven by a rise in nationalism or superpower competition, have also superseded human security regarding policymaking. Because of the Covid-19 epidemic, the need for people to be safe has been emphasized more[4].

To be credible or successful, security analysis or strategy should be centered on the problems that people and societies encounter daily, regardless of where such problems originate. Conventional, state-centric conceptions of national security that prioritize a military, state-centric vision of national sovereignty or security are an ineluctable aspect of politics. However, they cannot guarantee even the barest human well-being [5]. For rich cultures, Covid-19 challenged all ingrained beliefs about what security entails, where security risks originate, or how to deal with them. The pandemic served as a stark reminder of an issue that economically underprivileged communities have long been aware of far more so than risks connected to the conventional security approach, the covid-19 and Russian war are the current significant crises of human security in the Arab world [6].

Figure 1: Estimated Impact of The Coronavirus Pandemic

The Arab world is seeing an outbreak of COVID-19 at a time when primary care is underfunded and understaffed in many areas. The epidemic has brought to light the preexisting healthcare access and quality disparities. In contrast, the wealthiest third of Arab nations have at least 50 or, in some instances, over 70 healthcare workers per 10,000 inhabitants, the poorest third. Regionally, we have a lower doctor-to-population ratio than the rest of the globe (3.42 per 1,000 people). Moreover, hospital beds, critical care units, and general care have all declined, albeit by varying degrees. Residents of rural regions and those who commute to cities for business or school are vulnerable to this epidemic, even if cities are becoming the primary sources of it[7].

Figure 2: Impact of Covid-19 on different countries

Russian War

The Russia-Ukraine war is having an outsized impact on the global supply chain, impeding the flow of goods, fueling dramatic cost increases and product shortages, and creating catastrophic food shortages around the world, according to experts at a virtual symposium hosted by the MIT Center for Transportation and Logistics. Political discussions or military action, humanitarian aid or social protection, and even gas and oil shipments are all affected by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. There have been no major upheavals in politics due to the crisis thus far. In contrast, several nations, notably those in the Persian Gulf or Israel, try to maximize advantages in strategic areas by spreading their bets among the US and Russia. Long-term prohibitions on Russia would be difficult for Saudi Arabia, Egypt, or the United Arab Emirates since these nations have been expanding their military industry and want to work more closely with Russia[8].

The global system that emerged after the Cold War’s demise has proven to be turbulent. External and internal threats to state sovereignty have increased. Destruction, terrorism, demographic shifts, a collapsing global economy, or the spread of diseases, drugs, and people trafficking over national borders are all risks that have posed a severe challenge to long-held beliefs in safety. Several states’ ability to protect their inhabitants’ rights or liberties is being tested by the proliferation of hunger, high unemployment, armed conflicts, ethnic and sectarian disputes, and political oppression. Safeguarding the welfare of citizens has surpassed the preservation of countries as the primary focus of public safety. This shift in emphasis is best illustrated by the idea of human security, which supplements that of national security [9].

Human insecurity in the Arab area is prevalent, frequently extreme, and has ramifications for vast numbers of individuals. The results of military occupation or military struggle are evident in Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, and the Occupied Palestinian Authority. Authoritarian states, supported by faulty constitutions or unfair laws, are standard in relatively stable countries. Rapid climate shifts increase future human insecurity since they endanger millions of Arabs’ ability to make a living, feed, and survive. One-fifth of the population in certain Arab states, or more than 50% in others, are economically vulnerable or at risk of death from hunger and poverty due to the region’s political and economic instability. There is a distinct sense of human vulnerability in the region, as evidenced by the isolation of its growing population of unemployed young, its subservient women, and its displaced immigrants [10].

First, the notion of human security or its origins and fundamental considerations are briefly discussed in the introductory section. Secondly, the essay shows how the Covid-19 or Russian conflict shows problems with the standard security approach by referencing those demands in the literature review section. Third, in the methodology section, the research conducts Primary and secondary Data analysis methods. Fourthly, the findings and result section analyze the impact of these international crises on the Arab world through the analysis of previous literature. The paper concludes by analyzing the impact of the Covid-19 and Russian conflict on how protection and control threats are conceived of or managed. This asks, as no other policy problem, not even climate change, has so far succeeded in doing if the impact of international crises would inspire a paradigm shift in the international security discourse in favor of the human security model [11].

Purpose

This paper will analyze the short- and long-term effects of COVID-19 and the Russian war on the socio-economic and human security perspective of Arab countries.

Research Question

• How do current international crises impact the economy of the Arab world?
• What impacts does COVID-19 have on women’s human security in the Arab world?
• How does the Russian war impact women’s human security in the Arab world?

Literature Review

Human security is a concept that has been the topic of policy and intellectual discussion for quite some time. When seen through the lens of mainstream human security, the Covid-19 incident highlights the gap between traditional security strategies and human welfare in society. The ability of standard security measures did not correlate positively with the success of the response to the epidemic[12]. A strong military does not guarantee success in managing Covid-19, but history shows that many militarily powerful regimes struggled. It was shown that states with higher military spending were less resilient and no more adaptable than those with lower military spending as a percentage of GDP. It is an issue since regimes often overstate or promote the significance of military force in ensuring citizens’ safety. Further, more insights may be gained by taking a more analytical perspective on human security [13].

Human security research, or significant human security studies, investigates the causes of insecurity rather than just the symptoms. Critical methods reveal and critique the political dimension of vulnerability while exposing the fundamental causes of insecurity and poverty. This theoretical aim operates in conjunction with an endeavor to interact with or influence legislative practices, which makes human insecurity a potential ‘critical’ undertaking and sets it apart from specific other critical security research methods[14]. With this viewpoint, it is critical to recognize the expressions of uncertainty as a projection of power imbalances and other forms of structural inequality. When seen through the lens of vital human security, the effects of Covid-19, especially in particular its socioeconomic, gendered, and ethnic aspects, focus on providing a primarily depressing image of safety. A human security perspective shows how the effects of Covid-19 are not novel but reflect long-standing disparities that predate the pandemic crisis [15].

Consequently, this effect is a consequence of the social character of security and insecurity regarding priorities, prices, risks, or accessibility. As a result, the pandemic had an even more significant effect due to ingrained patterns of organizational insecurity. Several examples exist in the realms of socioeconomic inequality, race, and sex that exemplify this point[16].

Covid-19’s individual-level effects strikingly mirrored socioeconomic gaps. That is why some academics have seen Covid-19’s varied effects as a criticism of the modern nation. Several of the most prosperous countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, also have some of the most significant gaps in income disparity. People with part-time or temporary jobs and low incomes had a disproportionate share of the risks and consequences of chronic diseases in such or several other nations (International Labour Organization 2020). A lack of savings, the inability to work from home, or limited access to government-sponsored social protection measures all contributed to this group’s diminished capacity to stay home or reduce their risk of contracting the virus (The Health Foundation 2020). Furthermore, economically vulnerable people were virtually obliged – by their financial realities – to prolong their significant exposure to the sickness through their employment as much as they were legally able to [17].

However, low-income people tend to cluster together in metropolitan areas, making it harder to maintain social distance in multi-family homes and apartment complexes. There are various ways in which persons from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are more physically susceptible than those from better socioeconomic backgrounds. One such method is increased exposure to air pollution, which is linked to increased mortality risk. Furthermore, it appears that most contaminated and fatal cases occurred among low-income individuals in areas where data is accessible. Consequently, the United Kingdom’s Office of National Statistics (2020a) determined that the rate of deaths affecting Covid-19 among the most dispossessed areas of Arab countries was 55.1 per 100,000 population, opposed to 25.3 deaths per 100,000 population in the least deprived regions of Arab, throughout the first highpoint of the virus in the Arab world[18]. Throughout this time in Arab, the rate of death due to Covid-19 was nearly twice as high in the poorest regions as in the wealthiest ones. Longitudinal research for the UK’s Independent Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies verified the tendencies. The United States exhibited similar trends.

The consequences of Covid-19 on economically underprivileged populations during lockdown extend beyond the drug’s immediate physiological effects. The high likelihood exacerbated the insecurity and instability of such workers’ economic situations that they would lose their jobs. In this way, lower-income neighborhoods have borne a disproportionate share of Covid-19’s enormous long-term secondary consequences, like as economic hardship and lousy health[19]. Nearly 1.6 billion employees in the informal economy also were economically disadvantaged and were hit the worst, based on the International Labor Organization (2020). Long-term, those currently living in economic hardship might be hit the most if the effects of Covid-19 undermine the UN Sustainable Development Goal of eradicating poverty by 2030. People and places already struggling economically are the ones that feel the effects of “Covid-19 striking hard an already weak and vulnerable world economy” (United Nations 2020c). It is not a new occurrence since economic crises arise regularly; instead, it highlights the rising disparity within and across countries that has its roots in structural issues[20].

From a human security standpoint, another trend in the direct and indirect effects of Covid-19 is related to ethnic or racial minorities [21]. According to the statistics, this group accounts for a significant share of Covid-19-related fatalities in Arab countries. As socioeconomic disadvantage is linked to poor health, making people more susceptible to the worst consequences of Covid-19, this may be seen as a further indication of the economic inequities suffered by minorities (Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2019).

The discriminatory effects of Covid-19 are also shown when seen through the lens of critical human security. Females are biologically less susceptible to the worst immediate impact of Covid-19 and hence have lower overall death rates (however, this is not the situation for all countries). Women comprise about 70% of the population worldwide, although they are significantly represented in high-risk occupations, including nursing, health, or social care. In the framework of larger patterns of inequality and discrimination, their high participation in the informal sector also made them particularly susceptible to financial distress (OECD, 2019). This exposes deeper gendered fears and inequities, as in certain civilizations, more women became infected than males, although fewer women perished[22]. According to William (2020), “the impacts of COVID-19 are exacerbated for women and girls simply by their sex”. These impacts include a greater risk to health and economic well-being and diminished security and access to social protections [23].

In terms of human security, this is crucial to emphasize that Covid-19’s physiological or socioeconomic effects on race, class, or gender are not novel but instead serve to draw attention to existing fundamental insecurities, violations, or disparities that should be at the heart of any security research rather than relegated to the margins. Covid-19’s massive influence on degrading food production for millions of individuals (WFP/Food Security Information Network 2020), for example, is only confirming – and not inventing – a usual scenario and increasing, for a significant percentage of the world even before the epidemic [24].

Additional study on the effects of Covid-19 on human security is possible in the future. As an illustration, several countries’ reactions to Covid-19 have included repression, regulation, or monitoring measures. Displaced people and refugees are susceptible to the virus’s direct or indirect effects. As well as other crisis factors, there is evidence that Covid-19 is fueling sectarian or communal strife[25]. Last but not least, a critical human security approach reveals how we think about “emergencies” regarding challenges in a context of authority and injustice on a global scale. As was said before, other global health crises are just as detrimental to human well-being or livelihoods as Covid-19. However, they are not typically considered “global emergencies” as they are mostly isolated to lower-income cultures in the Global South. This reflects the inherent individualism of current approaches to international security, in which problems are only considered an “emergency” if they pose a direct danger to wealthy, industrialized states [26].

Refugees

The 26 million refugees and internally displaced persons who are hosted in the area or who live in irregular communities or settlements with limited access to basic amenities like water or sanitation would be severely impacted by COVID-19. Increases in the number of people fleeing their homes due to violence might result from the escalating war in Libya or the Syrian Arab Republic. The UN Relief and Works Administration for Palestine Refugees in the Near East reports that more than 5.6 million Palestinians are now classified as refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Republic, and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Their high COVID-19 infection rates have ripple effects on their host populations or the whole area [27].

Approximately half of the employed or registered Palestine refugee community works day jobs or informal jobs without a steady income, making them particularly susceptible to the decline in economic activity caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Palestine refugees, who have historically preferred work in the Gulf, have also been affected by the decline in economic possibilities in GCC nations. As a result, this has dampened the previously steady flow of transfers back to distant relatives[28].

Promoting Regional Stability from Crises

Taken together, the opportunities presented by the response or recovery from the COVID epidemic can help the Arab region make real strides toward expansion, wealth, equity, or social justice for all by addressing issues such as human rights, reconciling, dislocation, humanistic complexities, the root causes of the crisis, and feasible peace. The inclusion of health in discussions of security opens up new possibilities for cooperation on a regional scale. To slow the spread of COVID-19, various nations have increased their humanitarian help and medical supplies to others in the region. Others are getting ready to follow suit and want to offer assistance for far longer than the first period of crisis. The The Israeli entity  -Arab conflict continues to be a significant contributor to regional instability[29]. Crises in some nations, notably Libya, the Syrian Arab Republic, or Yemen, have been going on for a very long time due to the intertwining of local, national, or international interests. The human cost of this dynamic is staggering, as are the costs to communities, assets, and centuries-old societal structures. COVID-19 has made an already difficult situation much more volatile. In light of this, this is more important than ever to find a way to mediate and negotiate peaceful resolutions to problems[30].

The multiple transboundary drivers of fragility in the Arab area might be mitigated with more regional collaboration. The League of Arab States facilitates coordinated action among Arab governments through forums, including the Assembly of Arab Heads of State, the Economic and Social Council, or the Council of the Arab Ministers of Security. Increased engagement with these organizations is needed to combat the epidemic, end conflicts, safeguard human rights, and kickstart economic recovery. In addition, significant institutions must be fortified to combat natural and anthropogenic hazards. More funding is required to manage risks, reduce vulnerabilities, and assist state and local governments in mitigating the pandemic’s health, social, and economic effects[31].

Methodology

Our extraction process begins with a search for applicable keywords and terms. The first step is based on a study of relevant research and subsequent identification of key phrases linked to the variables caused by crisis Management. Furthermore, this step makes the next step, in which the articles are recognized by several search engines, easier to implement. The research was then limited to using just critical terms until the maximum number of articles containing relevant key phrases was achieved, representing the maximum amount of information available in the relevant databases. In this sense, Google Scholar, research gate, and IEEE might be considered the database’s initial platform. Keywords employed in this study are crises management, the Arab world, Covid-19 impact, and Russian war impact.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria 

It took a few years to collect adequate material since there just is not enough of it accessible in the Arab world for crisis or catastrophe management. The inclusion criteria for this study included a time range of 2019 to 2022 for materials of the nations in issue, except one older supporting item. Although scholarly sources comprised the bulk of this investigation, government research and foreign publications were also used. All primary or secondary documents utilized in the analysis were published between 2002 and 2020.

The research included risk management, natural disasters, public policy, risks, emergency management, natural hazards, technology, and disaster emergency management. Qatar, Oman, Jordan, Morocco, and Egypt were among the mentioned countries alone or in conjunction with the phrases. Databases such as Google Scholar, Scopus, Academia, ResearchGate, and a few more that are not publicly available were used. The databases enabled searches for both exact phrases and narrow time frames. By combining phrases and time frames, there was much leeway in deciding what should be included or excluded.

Quality Assessment 

The purpose of using this measure is to guarantee that the articles included in the current study’s sample were of sufficient quality to be evaluated. Following that procedure, a great many articles were produced. Nonetheless, a quality evaluation is performed to contain only the most relevant papers directly connected to the factors impacting Arab world Crises. This helps guarantee that the study has covered quality-issued publications.

Findings and Discussion

Articles searched for and observed to match the study’s questions are discussed below. It discusses several channels that were culled from the research included in the collection.

Distribution of Publications

All research from reputable publishers such as Embase, GOOGLE SCHOLAR, RESEARCH GATE, IEEE, web of science, PubMed, and Scopus were included in the sampling size or extracted articles for this study (a total of 108). The selected articles are organized into one of eight broad classes based on their impact on covid-19 and the Russian war crises. After screening Duplicate articles, 80 publications were left, and records were excluded based on title and abstract. Finally, 32 publications were left after adding three records from other sources.

Figure 3: PRISMA flowchart

Both figures show the research method and journals of the selected records.

Figure 4: research methods of selected studies

Figure 5: Journals of selected studies

International crises in Human security of the Arab world

The population of each Arab country is organized by their “exposure rank,” which considers the prevalence of crises such as COVID-19 and the Russian war. Vulnerability, inability to adjust or lack of adaptability all add to a society’s risk. Societies are vulnerable because they rely on national factors, including infrastructure, food availability, money, and the status quo in economic policy. Furthermore, the failure to adapt means being unprepared for future occurrences, such as climate change or other natural disasters (Kirch & Mucke, 2019).

According to the criteria used to determine this rating, Qatar is the safest nation in the world. Qatar ranked highest in terms of vulnerability, inability to cope, or lack of adaptability. When it comes to managerial prowess, Egypt is dead last. In general, Oman is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world. Lastly, Morocco ranks as the safest country among those examined, with the lowest marks across the board. Its biggest flaw is that it cannot deal with stress. The risk of injury is known as vulnerability, and the risk of impact from international crises is known as exposure. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is ranked 134th for comparison purposes with other states. According to Kirch and Mucke (2019), Arab countries are the safest in the world as the UK ranks 144th and the USA rank 133. (Table 1)

Table 1: vulnerabilities of Countries

	Risk index	Exposure	Vulnerability	Susceptibility	Lack of capacity to cope	Lack of capacity to adapt	Ranking
Morocco	5.83	12.23	47.66	25.53	78.88	38.58	99
Jordan	4.08	9.23	44.23	22.97	70.51	39.22	130
Oman	2.74	6.74	40.63	22.51	67.72	31.66	157
Egypt	1.84	3.91	46.98	21.45	82.57	36.92	173
Qatar	0.21	0.9	34.35	8.75	66.29	28.01	180

Though other studies go into specific aspects of the international crises of Covid-19 and the Russian war, this is the first in-depth analysis of the field to provide a guidepost for future researchers. The current study makes a fresh approach to the existing literature on international crises by identifying the emphasis of Crisis studies, which has several potential consequences for researchers or operators. This study emphasized previous research on crisis management. The study’s results are hoped to serve as a roadmap for academics interested in this area. It should be noted that the research is restricted to SLR only. Although meta-analysis was theoretically possible, the disjointed nature of the evaluated papers made it exceedingly challenging to apply the method to this particular topic. This is suggested that in the future, researchers will delve deeper into topics like this on big data to gain a more detailed understanding of how these topics relate to Crises’ impact on human security. Additionally, future studies might perform a comprehensive or semi-systematic evaluation of the examined studies’ methodologies. Qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods might be utilized in the future; the study instrument might differ; the time frame for which primary data is employed may differ, or other statistical methods might be employed to estimate the results.

Discussion

Impact of COVID-19

The limits of these approaches to handling today’s complex issues are brought into focus by Covid-19. To prevent the complete breakdown of the healthcare system while also protecting the rights of the people living in it, we believe applying a Human Security perspective to the steps implemented is necessary. Human Security encompasses many interrelated aspects, and this method acknowledges their interconnected nature. Because of this, collaboration among government, civil society, the private sector, or researchers from a wide range of fields is essential for developing a more comprehensive insight into the challenges or, later, for conceiving solutions that take into account the interdependencies among these sectors.

Table 2: Impact of Covid-19 on Arab world

	Location	Restrictive measure	Retail & Recreation (%)	Grocery & Pharmacy (%)	Parks (%)	Transit station (%)	Workplaces (%)
Fragile countries	Libya	Curfew	-37.8	-14.1	-20.2	-41.7	-25.9
Syria	Curfew	–	–	–	–	–
Lebanon	Lockdown	-57.5	-28.4	-34.2	-72.7	-49.0
Gulf countries	UAE	Lockdown	-57.6	-28.2	-68.8	-72.0	-46.0
Qatar	Lockdown	-52.7	-25.1	-41.5	-52.7	-32.3
Middle-income countries	Tunisia	Lockdown	–	–	–	–	–
Morocco	Lockdown	–	–	–	–	–
Egypt	Curfew	-56.0	-12.6	-42.8	-51.1	-32.8
Jordan	Lockdown	-63.3	-41.4	-53.9	-86.9	-59.3

Impact of the Russian war

According to experts at a virtual symposium organized by the MIT Center for Transportation and Logistics, the Russia-Ukraine conflict is having a disproportionately large impact on the world’s supply chain, obstructing the movement of goods, driving sharp price increases and product shortages, and resulting in catastrophic food shortages worldwide. A rise in oil or gas price levels due to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia may present a chance for Arab oil or gas-supplying nations to profit and mitigate any other financial damage that might arise from the situation. To prevent the humanitarian, societal, or socio-economic effects of the crisis that might potentially spread to the Middle East, most Arab officials are shown an inclination to de-escalate the Russian-Ukrainian war.

It is to be anticipated that Western, Ukrainian, or Russian officials could proceed to exert both political and economic stress on Arab officials, particularly those of Egypt, the UAE, or Saudi Arabia, to influence the viewpoints of Arab government on war-related UN decisions or concerns about crude oil and gas supply. As part of their efforts to expand Arab nations’ autonomy and lessen the global superpowers’ influence over them, Arab authorities are taking care not to take a partisan stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

Particular Arab administrations, notably in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, have exhibited adaptability, long-term vision, and in-depth insight concerning the Russian-Ukrainian situation, which may put Arab nations in a stronger position to negotiate a solution to the problem. Furthermore, the emphasis on some tactics, such as increasing economic constraints against Russia or its supporters, might impede any attempt to establish a broad and workable settlement.

Pros and cons

The overall response to catastrophes can be enhanced because some of the researched countries have privileges and the capacity for emergency control. For instance, Qatar’s small Middle Eastern country has few valuable resources. The research’s featured nations all have easy and quick access to regional or international resources that could be quickly organized during a crisis. This research found that several Arab countries were primarily immune to natural calamities. A potential flaw is a lack of disaster management competence.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The paper presented the impact of international crises like covid-19 and the Russian war on the socio-economic perspective of human security. Qatar is the safest Arab country, and Egypt comes dead last. The mighty nations of the UK and the USA comes later than Arab countries in terms of safety heavens. With Russia and Ukraine wars, the prices of oil changed significantly in Arab countries, which directly impacted their socioeconomic conditions.

Human progress is stunted by the pervasive absence of human security in Arab countries. The original human security issue has passed its most innovative stage in policy circles and the academic community. There is no reason to end the endless arguments in academia about human security’s meaning, analytical usefulness, or extent. However, human security offers significant insight into the changing security studies initiative, which is not sufficiently compensated within the mainstream, as evidenced by the glaring inequalities revealed by Covid-19 or the disparity among complex security abilities or everyday experiences of insecurity. Economical, food, medical, environmental, social, communal, and legislative human security are all discussed in a study on human security, providing a compelling framework for assessing the impact and consequences of Covid-19. Furthermore, the intersectionalities at work in the perceptions of security or insecurity are highlighted by the epidemic’s effect or the patterns that are represented across genders, socioeconomic ranks, and ethnicity. Furthermore, the pandemic might have introduced a new dynamic by revealing the weaknesses of the national security framework in the world’s most influential governments and the connections between conventional ideas of safety and people’s feelings of safety.

Academic security studies must move past the positivist preoccupation with or analysis of the concept’s flexible conception and analytical ambiguities that have hampered previous discussions over human security. Human security is valuable not because this can be used as a dependent variable but because it might serve as a moral compass in support of everyday experiences of vulnerability or insecurity, where arguments are often experimental. When seen through the lens of a critical human security approach, Covid-19 or Russian war impact reveals the systemic basis of disparities in terms of who bears the costs of public health crisis responses and how feelings of safety are distributed. This reveals that safety is not a universally accessible benefit in several countries and that politics and power dynamics heavily influence the judgments which determine people’s feelings of safety or fear.

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[1] This paper was produced from a doctoral thesis, titled The Role of Host-Country Policies in Preventing Gender-Based Violence in Refugee Families from Human Security Perspective: The Case of Syrian Refugees in Jordan and Turkey”.

[2] Wheeler, D. (2011). Freedom from want, and freedom from fear: a human security approach to the new Middle East. Journal of Human Security, 7(1), 37–52.

[3] Abalkhail, J. M. (2022). Leading through the COVID-19 crisis: a study of the public sector in the Arab Middle East. Human Resource Development International, 1-18.

[4] Al Mahyijari, N., Badahdah, A., & Khamis, F. (2021). The psychological impacts of COVID-19: a study of frontline physicians and nurses in the Arab world. Irish journal of psychological medicine, 38(3), 186-191.

[5] Hampson, F. O. (2017). Human security. In Security Studies (pp. 301–316). Routledge.

[6] Baroudi, S., & Shaya, N. (2022). Exploring predictors of teachers’ self-efficacy for online teaching in the Arab world amid COVID-19. Education and Information Technologies, 1-18.

[7] Ben Hassen, T., El Bilali, H., & Allahyari, M. S. (2020). Impact of COVID-19 on food behavior and consumption in Qatar. Sustainability, 12(17), 6973.

[8] Gasper, D. (2020). Human Security.

[9] Diab, J. L. (2020). The increase in gender-based violence in the Arab World is a pandemic-linked vulnerability for displaced people. J Migr Aff, 3(1), 90–98.

[10] Cheikh Ismail, L., Mohamad, M. N., Bataineh, M. A. F., Ajab, A., Al-Marzouqi, A. M., Jarrar, A. H., … & Al Dhaheri, A. S. (2021). Impact of the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19) lockdown on mental health and well-being in the United Arab Emirates. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 12, 633230.

[11] Fukushima, A. (2020). Reshaping the United Nations with the Concept of Human Security. Strategic Analysis, 44(5), 410–419.

[12] Abalkhail, J. M. (2022). Leading through the COVID-19 crisis: a study of the public sector in the Arab Middle East. Human Resource Development International, 1-18.

[13] Bahanshal, D. A., & Khan, I. (2021). Effect of COVID-19 on education in Saudi Arabia and e-learning strategies. Arab World English Journal (AWEJ) Special Issue on CALL, (7).

[14] Gasper, D. (2020). Human Security.

[15] Maestri, E. (2021). Healthcare in Oman Between Past and Present Achievements, Human Security and the COVID–19 Pandemic. Euros Journal of Social Sciences, p. 77.

[16] Najib, D. (2021). COVID-19 and the Arab World–Between a Rock and Hard Place. Science & Diplomacy, p. 10.

[17] Diab, J. L. (2020). The increase in gender-based violence in the Arab World is a pandemic linked vulnerability for displaced people. J Migr Aff, 3(1), 90–98.

[18] Malashenko, A. (2013). Russia and the Arab spring (pp. 1-15). Moscow: Carnegie Moscow Center.

[19] Ziadé, N., Hmamouchi, I., El Kibbi, L., Abdulateef, N., Halabi, H., Abutiban, F., … & Masri, B. (2020). The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on rheumatology practice: a cross-sectional multinational study. Clinical rheumatology, 39(11), 3205-3213.

[20] Weyland, P. (2020). The Pandemic in the Middle East and North Africa. Connections, 19(2), 89-99.

[21] Maestri, E. (2021). Healthcare in Oman Between Past and Present Achievements, Human Security and the COVID–19 Pandemic. Euros Journal of Social Sciences, p. 77.

[22] Baroudi, S., & Shaya, N. (2022). Exploring predictors of teachers’ self-efficacy for online teaching in the Arab world amid COVID-19. Education and Information Technologies, 1-18.

[23] Maestri, E. (2021). Healthcare in Oman Between Past and Present Achievements, Human Security and the COVID–19 Pandemic. Euros Journal of Social Sciences, p. 77.

[24] Malashenko, A. (2013). Russia and the Arab spring (pp. 1-15). Moscow: Carnegie Moscow Center.

[25] Kebede, T. A., Stave, S. E., & Kattaa, M. (2020). Facing double crises: Rapid assessment of the impact of COVID-19 on vulnerable workers in Jordan. International Labour Organization (ILO).

[26] Maestri, E. (2021). Healthcare in Oman Between Past and Present Achievements, Human Security and the COVID–19 Pandemic. Euros Journal of Social Sciences, p. 77.

[27] Shuwiekh, H. A., Kira, I. A., Sous, M. S. F., Ashby, J. S., Alhuwailah, A., Baali, S. B. A., … & Jamil, H. J. (2020). The differential mental health impact of COVID-19 in Arab countries. Current Psychology, 1-15.

[28] Najib, D. (2021). COVID-19 and the Arab World–Between a Rock and Hard Place. Science & Diplomacy, p. 10.

[29] Zyoud, S. E. H. (2021). The Arab region’s contribution to global COVID-19 research: Bibliometric and visualization analysis. Globalization and health, 17(1), 1–10.

[30] Gasper, D. (2020). Human Security.

[31] Ziadé, N., Hmamouchi, I., El Kibbi, L., Abdulateef, N., Halabi, H., Abutiban, F., … & Masri, B. (2020). The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on rheumatology practice: a cross-sectional multinational study. Clinical rheumatology, 39(11), 3205-3213.